Persecution, Expulsion, and Annihilation of the Herborn Jews

This project was created by the Klaus Kesselgruber School and the Youth Education Project of the Lahn-Dill District. It hopes to explore and remember much of the dark history of Nazism in Herborn, and the eradication of the town’s Jewish community.

“The exhibition attempts to show, with the aid of documents, the sad journey, the expulsion into exile, and the extermination of the Herborn Jews. It makes plain that beginning on November 30, 1933, the Herborn Jews were exposed, step by step, to an increasing discrimination and persecution by public authorities, the Nazi Party, and also their fellow Herborners, which ended finally in expulsion and for many, in death.”

The Jewish Community of Herborn up until 1933

The first documented mention that can pin down Jewish life in Herborn dates from the year 1377. This document referred to a house that found itself in the possession of a Christian and was described as a Jewish School (possibly formerly a synagogue). The Herborn Town Archivist, Ruediger Stoerkel, presumes that at this point in time already,
no more Jews lived in Herborn. Presumably they had fallen victims of the big pogrom from 1348-1350, as in Wetzlar. The wave of pogroms spread on the strength of specific rumors that were spread that the Jews had poisoned the wells during the plague epidemic in the middle of the 14 th century and that this caused the illness. Almost all of the Jewish communities, with the exception of a few towns (as well as areas in Austria and Bohemia), were destroyed.

Only 300 years later (1646) did the history of the Jewish community allow itself to be pursued further with the aid of documents and certificates. It is thanks to the various activities of the Herborn History Association and the Town Archivist that it was pretty well investigated: In the year 1646 the sovereign permitted a Jew from Gladenbach to
settle in Herborn. This met with the approval of the Herborn Council which, in the general settlement ban for Jews exempted by the sovereign himself, refers only 1½ decades later, in the year 1660, to the Jews obtaining the right to sell meat retail, showing that by that date Jews were again resident in Herborn. In the years 1680-1840 the synagogue of the Jewish community was situated in the house at 22 Corn Market. There is still today a Jewish bath house, or Mikva, restored or reconstructed there for visiting. The Jewish cemetery was situated between the town wall and the town cemetery until around 1700. From around 1870 the Jewish community buried their dead in the
cemetery in Au, which can still be seen today. Between 1680 and 1840 the Herborn Jewish community never numbered more than 8 households. The small community admittedly was always led by a community leader, usually a rabbi. In 1889 the community had grown to eleven households with 52 members.

When in 1933 the Nazis came to power, Herborn was the home of 92 Jewish townsmen and townswomen.

Most of Herborn’s Jews were poor. Even though several families belonged to the “middle class” e.g. the Hecht, Hattenbach, Sternberg and Seligman families, most ran small businesses. Because of the trade restrictions imposed on them, altogether they had had only narrow livelihood opportunities until Jewish emancipation. The Herborn trade guilds watched jealously over the colonial goods trade so that no Jew could penetrate it and break the monopoly. Several townsmen of Jewish origin belonged to the volunteer organizations. The cattle merchants David Löwenstein, Louis and Berthold Sternberg belonged to the volunteer fire department around the turn of the century. One of the founders of the volunteer fire department was the watchmaker, Aaron Lucas. There was a member named Löwenstein on the Herborn soccer SV in 1920. A document from the Nazi time gives evidence that at least 2 members of the Social Democratic Party were of Jewish origin.

These association memberships of a few Jewish inhabitants was frequently cited as evidence that the Herborn Jews had become integrated into the life [of the community].

Presumably however, they were also exposed, during their centuries of history in Herborn, to antisemitism and hostility toward Jews, for it is undeniable “…the hostility toward Jews was a more or less latent settled component of Western Christian culture and remains strong in remnants still… the Jews were the minority par excellence in the
Christian West.” (Strauss/Kampe Hrsg. Antisemitismus, Bonn 1985, p.15).

Election Results of the last Free Reichstag Elections for Herborn

Reichstag 1932 I       Reichstag 1932 II       Reichstag 1933
National Socialist
German Worker    1663 votes 54.9%       1457 votes 48.7%         1854 votes 57.0%

Social Democratic 637 votes 21.0%         556 votes 18.6%           551 votes 16.9%

KPD Party                171 votes 5.6%            247 votes 8.3%             150 votes 4.6%

The People of Herborn elected the National Socialists and their allied parties with a big majority in 1933. That brought to the Jewish population a time of persecution and expulsion from their home.

On April 31, 1933, the NSDAP called for a boycott of Jewish businesses throughout the country. Obviously the NSDAP in Herborn sought to organize the action locally. The boycott was meant by the Nazis to exclude the German Jews from the economy. After that the Nazis left it at that, this one-time unprecedented action, because even they came to realize that an immediate and radical exclusion of Jewish trade must have considerable negative consequences for the whole economy. The displacement of the Jews from the economy, culture and public life was to be begun later in a planned and organized manner. The source material concerning Herborn in the action is very scanty, so that no evidence could be found relevant to how “successful” the boycott was.

After the 4/1/33 action, boycotting continued extensively but quietly, concerning the part played by different areas of the country, either through participation or turning a blind eye. There continued to be open actions from the ranks of the Party.

A document of February 17, 1934 includes that in a summons from the District Council, the cattle dealer, Louis Suesskind makes a complaint on the record.

I know for sure that in all the rural communities of the Dill Region, the local agricultural leader is instructed to openly give out to have no dealings with Jews. The local agricultural leader (…) In Erdbach said to me, himself, that he had an order regarding this in his pocket. Who gave this order, I don’t know. But I am aware that the local agricultural leader (…) announced this order in Erdbach in the school, to the long established townspeople. Such requests were announced in almost all the rural communities of the Dill Region, in several cases even accompanied by the ringing of the town bell.

This process caused the District to direct the mayors of the area, “ to abstain from any future action that can be considered as forbidden economic intervention.” (StAW410/543)

It refers to a decree of 9/1/33 by the State Economics Minister concerning the particularly powerful boycott action against Jews, defined as an inadmissable intrusion into economic life.

Such “unauthorized” measures produced, as early as the action of April 1 itself, negative reactions abroad, to which the authorities were not indifferent. In addition, according to public and Party authorities, the arbitrariness led to negative consequences in the economy (e.g. unemployment due to reverses in Jewish businesses, and foreign
currency problems) which were unacceptable in view of the continuing economic crisis situation. That was what the exemption, to which the Council referred in its decree, was derived from. However that did not mean that now economic discrimination, sanctions and assaults stopped. It was never a “good time” for the Jewish population. Evidence of this are the occurrences from 1936 to 1939.

On December 27, 1936, The Dillenburg District informed District Leader Scheyer that, “Local Councillor Driedmann Mueller from Münchausen…, who had partnered with Jewish businesses on the occasion of the Martini Market in Herborn, must step down as Councillor. This was requested in accordance with #52 paragraph 2 of the German Community Order enacted during the so-called “Direct Connection” [Gleichschaltung] allowing the appointment of a replacement.” (StAW 483/4171 b)

On April 19, 1937, the Commissioner of the NSDAP of the Dillenburg District wrote,

that the Borough Justice… (from) Münchausen had sold a cow to the Jew, Daly Meir, in Herborn some time before, and through the dealership of one Wilhelm Ciliox, Herborn.

I ask you to have the Borough Justice questioned, to whom was the cow sold? If he sold it to the Jew, Meir, the question must be considered, whether he can remain as Borough Justice. But if he sold it to Wilhelm Ciliox, Herborn, Ciliox must be punished as he has no trading permit for that.

Please send me the result of his testimony.

Heil Hitler!

~Scheyer’(StAW 4834171 b)

On January 6, 1939, the District Officer of the NSDAP wrote to the Mademühlen area group that from the customer book of the Jew, Sternberg, confiscated in Herborn during the “Jew action” (i.e. in the course of the November 9, 1938 pogrom) it emerges that, in all, 5 persons from Mademühlen or Münchhausen had done business with Sternberg. The Business Officer continued:

I request that you order and make clear very energetically to the people concerned from the Office of the District Group, the position of National Socialism. If a Party member is found to be named, it is in accordance with Party regulations to take action against him. Should one of them hold an honorable public office, a recall should immediately be executed.

~ (StAW 483/4171a)

Jews and Jewesses who were politically active or of an activist nature were especially suspiciously spied on.

An undated list, probably drawn up around 1935/36 (StAW 483/4206a) reports the Herborn Jews, Martin Levi and Walter Mayer as previous members of the SPD and as “politically unreliable”.

Boycott Order of the NSDAP to the Rank and File

In each local group and subordinate organization of the NSDAP, Action Committees are to be formed immediately for practical detailed planning for carrying out the boycott of Jewish businesses, doctors and law practices.

The Action Committees must popularize the boycott through explanation and propaganda. Principle: No German is to ever buy from a Jew, or allow himself or his subordinates to recommend [Jewish] merchandise. The boycott must be universal. It will be carried out by the whole populace and is designed to strike at Jewry in its most sensitive spot.

The Action Committees must be sent into the smallest farming village, in order to strike the Jewish dealers especially in the flat country. Essentially, always stress that, for us, it is a matter of self-defense measures that we have been forced into.

Moreover, it is necessary as never before that the whole Party stand as one man behind the leadership. National Socialists! Saturday at 10 o’clock the Jews will know who it is with whom they have picked a fight.

The Pogrom of November 9, 1938

The boycott measure and harassment against Jewish fellow townspeople worsened visibly. On November 30, 1938, Jewish lawyers lost their licenses; beginning October 5, internal passports had to be identified with a “J” and on October 28, 17,000 stateless Jews were driven out of Germany over the border into Poland. This action affected the family of Herschel Grynszpan, who, therefore, shot dead a member of the German Embassy in Paris, to protest this injustice. This incident served the Nazis as a welcome reason to carry on the campaign against the Jews consistently and now carry out the pogrom night.

The occurrences during the pogrom of November 8, 1938 – the Nazis called it National Kristallnacht [broken glass night] – are only comprehensible for Herborn with difficulty. The reports are contradictory and the original sources are worse than poor. It is certain that the Synagogue was ravaged. Whether this took place on November 9 or November 10, or from the 10th to the 11th is hard to reconstruct.

“Without one Jew having one hair twisted” wrote the local newspaper. Admittedly, former Herborners, who as Jews survived the Nazi regime, see it very much differently. In the context of a joint project between the Lahn-Dill District Youth Education and a youth group led by the former Herborn curate, Schmidt, in 1988, Elfriede Klater, Fred
Sternberg and Betty Sternberg described in personal letters the events as seen through the eyes of children in Jewish families.

Elfriede Klater wrote:

On that day, I had religious instruction at the Synagogue. On the way there someone said to me, ‘Elfriede go home; the Synagogue is on fire.’ I went home and told my mother, who then forbade me to leave the house. Being a child, I could not understand why. On the same night, the 8 th-9th of November, 1938, the SS and the Gestapo came to us. We were already in bed and I don’t know what time it was. We heard them come up the stairs and immediately knew that the Nazis were coming because we recognized the sound of the boots. It was several of them. They kicked the door open and asked first for my father, but he was in Siegen, to buy there new guts and skins, and wasn’t expected home until at least the next day. When my Grandpa asked what they wanted, they took the old man, with his 80 years, and pushed him into the next room. They said to him, ‘We don’t need you, old Jew.’

Afterwards they beat him up all over. My mother said to them that my father would report to them immediately at the Town Hall as soon as he returned. One of these men lived in Auf der Muhlbach [Mill Stream Street or neighborhood]; I played with his daughter all the time. Maybe other people were there who used to call  themselves our friends. It is also possible that my elders told me their names, but I have forgotten them in the meantime and my dear Mother has been dead for 22 years and my dear Father since March 1987.

When my father came back from Siegen on November 9, 1938, he immediately went to the Town Hall. Toward evening my mother sent me to the Town Hall with  something to eat. There a man told me that my father wasn’t there anymore, but rather with the other Jews in a train to be transported away….

Betty Sternberg (Ken’s aunt) reported:

… In the so-called National Kristallnacht all the windows in our house were smashed with big stones. My father was taken into so-called protective custody and was locked up for 2 days in the Herborn Town Hall.

From there he was transported to Frankfurt into the armory and then to Buchenwald concentration camp. Thanks be to God, he came home from there, half starved and sick in body and soul. He was only set free because I sent in his decorations and the Iron Cross from the first World War and then only on condition that he would remain in Germany no longer than 3 weeks.”

Already in 1938, state authorities and Nazi organizations acted together closely. The November terror was organized with German thoroughness.

There is evidence that Max Sternberg and Hugo Löwenstein were abducted into a concentration camp. Hugo Löwenstein was only released from the concentration camp on January 18, 1939, and emigrated in April of the same year to England.

The Herborner Tageblatt [daily paper] wrote in its 11/11/38 edition:

Fierce Indignation and Revulsion
The news of the death of the German Envoy First Class, Herm vom Rath, in Paris, has aroused the deepest pain and grief in the German community and in ourselves. It is completely understandable if the fiercest indignation and deepest revulsion against the Jewish assassin Grünspan [sic] and his racial community makes itself noticed. It
hasn’t in the least come to riots, but the excited crowds in the streets of the city coalesced in a threatening manner. In the course of these days the houses of all the Jewish families have been searched for any weapons, without one Jew having one hair twisted.


bcss. State Concentration Camps Oranienburg,1/18/1939
RELEASE [unable to read the rest due to old typescript]

The Jew Hugo Löwenstein Born on 5/8/99
in Herborn was from 11/12/38 to 1/18/1939 put in a concentration camp
The release took place on 1/18/1939
His conduct was
[can’t read]:
He was [something xxx’d out]
to the local police authority of his home District and so forth
[more xxx’d out]
to report The Camp Commander
[Illegible round stamp with eagle] [Illegible signature]
[SS lightning symbol] Oberführer

[Illegible illegible] Oranienburg

~Herborn files

The Pressure to Emigrate Increases

During the following period the pressure on the Jewish community increased. The N-S regime organized their step-by-step exclusion from all societal fields. Citizenship was denied them; the Nuremburg race laws and the prescribed execution of these laws were defined. Whoever is a Jew loses his occupation and source of livelihood; he becomes locked out from the cultural or social life.

Organized state pressure, combined with an open enmity against Jews on the part of an increasing sector of the population, marked their living situation.

Only a few relevent documents referring to Herborn have been preserved. An impression of how the life of the Herborn Jews changed is portrayed in the memories of Elfriede Klater and the Sternberg brother and sister.

Betty Sternberg writes:

The situation of the Jews became worse almost daily. Gradually almost all my friends joined the various Nazi Party groups. They were so indoctrinated against Jews that they would no longer have any contact with me. Once while taking a walk with my parents, I was hit and stepped on by a young man. He screamed at me: ‘You damned Jewish sow, are you still here?’ It was clear to us that we could no longer live in such a country, where so much hatred prevailed and so much injustice was allowed.

Her brother, Fred Sternberg made up his mind, already in 1936, to emigrate. This decision was very difficult for him and his family.

But I had no choice: almost all my Christian school friends and Aryan professional colleagues with whom I had lived in the most perfect harmony for as long as I could remember, would not acknowledge any acquaintance with me and treated me like a leper. I couldn’t bear that

writes Sternberg. An experience that he could never forget portrays the shocking atmosphere against the Jews already in 1936:

In August 1936, before I went away into exile, I happened to meet a former ‘friend’ and schoolfellow in the Bahnhofstrasse [Rail Station St.] in front of St. Leonard’s Tower. When I wanted to say ‘goodbye’ to him, he refused to shake my hand.

By “emigration” we chiefly mean chasing away into exile, which was tied up with the robbery of all the “emigrant”’s assets. Of course, fleeing protected them from physical destruction. Still the price was high which Jews had to pay for life alone. Many had to leave behind friends and relatives who later came into the extermination system. Many would not or could not pay this price; they wanted to remain in their ancestral  homeland. Others repeatedly made emigration applications and nevertheless did not escape death.

The kinds of fates that are hidden behind the term “emigration” can be evidenced with the aid of the thousands of emigration documents of the Foreign Currency Authority which are found in the Hesse Government archives in Wiesbaden.

For examples we want to document, with the aid of these files, the fates of the Herborn families, Sternberg and Hattenbach.

The Sad Path of the Sternberg Family

The history of the Sternberg family from Herborn makes clear what kind of fate was attached to emigration. The Sternberg family possessed, in the High Street of Herborn, a ready to wear clothing business that was doing well.

In the face of the increased pressures on the Jewish population, Fred, the eldest Sternberg son, had already gone into exile in 1936 (see above). The events during the November pogrom of 1938, the arrest of the father, Max Sternberg, the many personal harassments experienced from the authorities and humiliations from their fellow men,
prompted the remaining family to take the difficult route into exile.

First Max Sternberg made a departure application for himself and his family and sold his house and his plot of land. As a result, the Foreign Currency Authority suddenly issued a “security order” over everything possessed by the family.

This information was put in writing by the Foreign Currency Authority S in Frankfurt on February 17, 1939 (StAW 7580/38):

I have, on the 9th inst, the verbal assurance from Max Sternberg that all the receipts from house sale, life insurance, whatever, are deposited in the Nassau Landesbank in Herborn. I have delivered a temporary security order to the above named bank, of which I enclose a copy.

This amounts to the confiscation of all assets, for a “security order” over an account meant that the disconcerted account holder could no longer have his money freely at his disposal. Each withdrawal requires an individual authorization through the Foreign Currency Authority. There were rather small withdrawals for the immediate living expenses of the family and the payment of bills, or -naturally larger amounts- to the state for fees, compulsory levies, special taxes for Jews, and the cynically named ‘flight from the country tax’.

Writing on 4/19/39 Max Sternberg asks the Foreign Currency Authority S to reduce the gold customs duty for him at his immediately approaching departure, since he had been on the front lines in World War I.

Having been on the front lines is no grounds for reduction in [Dego-Abgabe]

reads a short handwritten note from a clerk of the Currency Authority, replying to Sternberg’s request. (StAW 7580/38)

In the time leading up to their emigration, the Sternberg family was despoiled of almost all their remaining money. On April 27, 1939 (StAW 7580/38) the Nassau Landesbank dispensed from the securitized account of the Sternberg family to the Foreign Currency Authority, the following amounts.

1) flight from country tax RM 5,638.00
2) 3(!) installments of assets transfer RM 3,538.25
3) 4(!) installments of assets transfer RM 3,700.00
4) income tax advance RM 22.00
5) 3 installments of assets transfer for Betty Sternberg RM 600.00
6) 4 installments of assets transfer for Betty Sternberg RM 600.00
7) turnover tax RM 37.55
8) wealth tax 1939 RM 15.00

Mrs. Betty Sternberg shielded her family from the situation during this time:

Our financial situation also became ever worse. One day we got the invitation to the auction of our property, as Jews were no longer permitted to own real estate. (Based on the emigration application, [d. Verf.]). Beforehand a heavy truck had come and had cleared out and taken away everything from our stock cellar.

Mr. Fred Sternberg enclosed a copy of the “invitation” to the auction of their belongings with his letter to the project group in 1988. It read:

Mayor Herborn, Dec.1,1938

Subject: Transfer of Jewish Possessions
On Monday on the 5th of the month the cultivated and uncultivated Jewish plots of land in the Herborn District shall be transferred into Aryan possession by means of an open auction. You are invited to this function which will take place in the central room of the Town Hall.
Description of the plot of land:(…)

~Private possession of Fred Sternberg

The Sad Path of the Hattenbach Family

The Hattenbach family also placed a departure request from Herborn. They gave all their assets, Reichsmarks 45,608.00, to the Foreign Currency Authority on October 5, 1938. (StAW JS 728) This consisted of, besides the dwelling, a warehouse with stock and a plot of land, as well as outstanding business debts and (probably) also the business bank account, but only small savings book amounts as well as a little cash. Also the FCA issued a protection order over their possessions.

Writing on October 12, 1938, Joseph Hattenbach asked permission to send to his daughter, staying in Brussels on a study visit, her trousseau consisting of underwear and used furniture. (StAW JS 728) This occurrence makes vivid in how degrading a manner the regulations of the FCA intervened in the lives of the people.

On March 30, 1939 Hattenbach wrote to the FCA S requesting a note

By which I am authorized RM 8,900.00 to pay the Jewish transfer of assets to the Finance Bureau of Dillenburg.

~(StAW JS 728)

By “the Jewish transfer of assets” is meant a decree by the government according to which in the followup to the November pogrom of 1938, a billion reichsmarks were to be squeezed out of the Jewish community. The Hattenbach family were no longer allowed to withdraw the smallest amounts by themselves. On 10/9/1940 Joseph Hattenbach wrote to the FCA:

Mrs. Emma Hirschland, Brussels, my wife’s aunt, asks me to disperse RM 5.50 to the police headquarters in Frankfurt am Main for a copy of a Certificate of Good Conduct for her grandson, Alfred Herz, who is interned. The document is necessary for his emigration overseas. Mrs. Hirschland has lived for some time in Brussels and has very little money. I’m asking to be granted the specified small amount to pay to the above-mentioned place.

~(StAW JS 728)

In 1941 the only daughter of the Hattenbach family finds herself still in Brussels. She married over there and has a 10 month old child. Her husband has been interned as a German citizen since the outbreak of the war. She is almost destitute. Joseph Hattenbach asks permission to transfer RM 600.00 to her account to help with her support. (StAW JS 728)

On 10/10/1942 the Hattenbach file was closed with the standard written form:

Order (based on the Gestapo lists of evacuated Jews)
Subj.: assets of Jews evacuated to the East

and the entire remaining assets were confiscated for the aid of the German state. (StAW 728)

Luggage Looting

The Deportation

Whoever could or would no longer turn their back on Germany shared the fate of the Hattenbachs. When in June and August 1942 the Secret National Police in Frankfurt ordered Evacuation of Jews to the East, the deportation of Jews from the area of their administrative district of Wiesbaden, Herborners in both situations were affected by the official designation. In all, 22 persons were first deported to Frankfurt am Main and from there to Theresianstadt and other concentration camps.

The choreography of the deportation was meticulously planned: first police obtained admittance to the homes of those persons who were to be deported. Then they read a so-called National Police order which began with the words: “You are hereby informed that you are to leave your dwelling within 2 hours.”

The policeman had been given for this task a special leaflet which could be consulted to aid the deportation preparations, which laid down, among other things, that this decree was to be read in each case by an officer and never by SS or SA members.

Under supervision, the householders must now pack their bags, however “only the essential hand luggage.” Valuables of any kind and savings books and also the house keys were to be left behind accompanied by a statement of the name and address. As  “property of enemies of the state and people,” all Jewish possessions are to be confiscated and given over to the Finance Administration to be “managed and used”.

The fact that, and the extent to which, the National Socialist government enriched itself from the people they intended to exterminate in a manner that was unlawful according to the prevailing legal opinion of the time, here becomes horribly plain.

Moreover private citizens also knew how to profit from this process, which becomes visible in a highly interesting written exchange in the Herborn documents.

On August 28th, 1942, Mr. David Löwenstein was deported along with 11 other Herborners. The “Area Economic Advisor” F. from Biedenkopf, showed already on August 27–one day before the deportation–in a letter to District Office,
his interest in the sale of David L.’s house to a Mr. S. On September 1 he obtained a positive answer from the District Office: “In any case I have no objections to levying on the fixed price at the time of the surrender of the house.”


This frequent reply from relatives of the so-called first generation to critical inquiries from their grandchildren about the National Socialist past are once more unmasked here through historical fact, as a means of projecting blame on others.

Concerning the Jews evacuated from the Herborn Police District June 10, 1942

Serial No.            Name:               Birth date and place:                          Street:

1. Salomon, Julius Israel*           2/26/1899 in Werdorf                       12 Au Street
1. Salomon, nee Stern, Meta Sara* 1/22/1909 in Niederweidbach  12 Au Street
2. Stern, Moritz Israel*                  8/29/1827 in Niederweidbach      12 Au Street
3. Stern, nee Hammerschlag, Julchen Sara 12/12/1882 in Treis  b. Giessen 12 Au Street
1. Stern, Willi Israel*                    10/9/1885 in Maudt b. Montab       11 d.S.A. Street
2. Stern, nee Löwenstein, Betty Sara* 7/12/1896 in Herborn            11 d.S.A. Street
1. Rosenberg, nee Hirsch, Berta Sara* 4/7/1905 in Haiger              3 Oranien Street
1. Levi, nee Hirsch, Selma Sara*   4/17/1904 in Haiger/Dill                3 Oranien Street
2. Salomon, Silvia Sara*              11/15/33 in Herborn                         12 Au Street

[Seal] City / Herborn
[*middle names, assigned by the Nazis to all Jews the same]

~Herborn files

Jews transferred from Herborn/Dill District via Frankfurt am Main August 28, 1942

Ser. No. / Family Name / First Name / Born when & where / Address
– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –
1. Friedemann / Simon Isr. / 12/4/75 Katzenfurt / 11 Wilh. Thielmann Alley
1. “ ” / Karoline S. / 5/19/78 Lassphe /  “ ”
2. Hattenbach / Rosa Sara / 6/15/83 Volkmarsen / 3 Oranien Street
3. Hecht / Leopold Isr. / 11/15/62 / Rennerod 80 / Adolph Hitler -Street
1. “ ” / Jara / 12/31/76 / Frankfurt / “ ”
2. Levi / Berta Sara / 6/24/73 Kasingen / 3 Oranien Street
3. Löwenstein / David Isr. / 9/25/66 Langendernbach / 11 d. S.A. Street
1. “ ” / Rosa Sara / 11/24/68 Kayer
2. Lucas / Henriette Sara / 4/6/63 Herborn / 3 Oranien Street
3. Rosenbaum / Lina Sara / 12/9/73 Oberzell / 11 d. S.A. Street
4. Simon / Abraham Isr. / 5/5/68 Kölschhausen / 16 Muhlbach
5. “ ” / Karoline Sara / 7/4/65 Lindholm / 16 “ ”
(illegible signature)
[Hptw d. Schy.]

~Herborn files

Dillenburg, June, 1942
The County Office of the Dill District          RUSH DELIVERY

To the Mayor of Herborn

Concerning: The evacuation of the Jews to the East

Enclosed I am sending a copy of the decree from the Secret National Police Authority detailing the previous and further immediate arrangements. As seen in the order, a further transport of Jews away to the East is intended. The transport is settled for Wednesday June 10, 1942 from Frankfurt. The request is therefore to be dealt with in an expedited manner. The matter is for this reason to be dealt with as a priority. For the evacuation, all Jews under 65 with German nationality ([illegible with hand-written corrections] and Polish and Luxemburger nationality) as well as stateless Jews are affected. Regarding exceptions, I refer you to # 1-7 of the attached order. If Jews are in a war critical position in a workplace, it is desirable that the Jews be released from their employers. It is the urgent wish of the Gauleiter [translation unknown] that this particular district become free of Jews. The Jewish Trust Authority has not yet shared with me the Jews in question for the transport. The assets submitted from the district also has not yet come to me. I assume that the Jews in question have received notice of the evacuation in the meantime. It is [g.F.] the responsibility of the Jewish trustees to find out and let me know, by Monday, 6/8/42,11 AM at the latest, numerically, the Jews in question for the evacuation.

The Jews to be evacuated are in the custody of a police officer in order to set off punctually on the march so as to arrive at the latest on Wednesday, June 10, 1942, 7PM at the Frankfurt am Main Grand Market Hall. Concerning the route and the means of transport, I refer you to the attached order. The necessary food is to be paid for in advance and the refund requests sent to me at the conclusion of the action. The receipts will be needed in duplicate. The travel food for the police will also be refunded and is to be presented to me with the enclosed travel food bills. Everything else is in the enclosed order. The police official will familiarize himself with the leaflet that is coming. The date is to be adhered to under all circumstances. The persons in question are to be communicated to me by name. The orders to be treated as confidential until carried out.

Signed, sealed, stamped: City Council of Dillenburg, Dill County

~(Herborn files)

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